On the Baltic Way

The Baltic Way was the event that helped secure the three Baltic States’ independence from Russia 35 years ago. The idea was simple - a chain of people linking the three capital cities of Vilnius in Lithuania, Riga in Latvia and Tallinn in Estonia. It was a significant act of protest, striving for freedom against an oppressor. We will look at how it was planned and hear stories from participants. We will examine what effect it had.

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Transcript

On the Baltic Way

The Baltic Way was the event that helped secure the three Baltic States’ independence from Russia 35 years ago.  It was part of the Singing Revolution. The idea was simple - a chain of people linking the three capital cities of Vilnius in Lithuania, Riga in Latvia and Tallinn in Estonia. The execution of the Baltic Way was a significant act of protest against Russian occupation, of defiance, and of people showing solidarity and community. Considerable bravery was shown. But above all, it was about striving for freedom against an oppressor. We will look at the history of the Baltic Way. How it was planned and stories from participants. We will examine what effect it had, and we will consider what it means today with Russia’s renewed aggression.

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First, what was the Baltic Way? It was a nonviolent protest event held on 23 August 1989 that linked two million people (a quarter of the entire population of the Baltic States at that time) in a 700-kilometre-long uninterrupted chain of people holding hands from Vilnius, Lithuania, to Tallinn, Estonia, via Riga, Latvia. These people were calling for the renewed independence of the three Baltic States and an end to the occupation by the Soviet Union. 

How did it come about? 

The Baltic Way event originated from "Black Ribbon Day" protests in Western European, American and Australian cities during the 1980s. It was timed to mark the 50th anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, in which Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union decided to divide Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Romania between them. The pact led to the outbreak of World War II in September 1939 and the Soviet invasion and occupation of the Baltic countries in June 1940.

The Soviet Union denied the existence of the secret protocols to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, even though Western scholars widely published the evidence after it came to light during the Nuremberg Trials. Soviet propaganda maintained that there was no occupation and that all three Baltic States had voluntarily joined the Union. The Baltic States claimed they were forcefully and illegally incorporated into the Soviet Union. Popular opinion was that the secret protocols proved that the occupation was illegal. If Baltic States' diplomats in exile could link the Pact and the occupation, they could claim that Soviet rule in the republics had no legal basis and, therefore, all Soviet laws were null and void since 1940. This would open the possibility of restoring the legal continuity of the independent states in the interwar period. Claiming that all Soviet laws had no legal power in the Baltics would also cancel the need to follow the Constitution of the Soviet Union and other formal secession procedures.

Tensions rose between the Baltics and Moscow in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. In Lithuania, a petition with 2 million signatures demanded the withdrawal of the Red Army. Estonians attempted to amend election laws to limit the voting rights of immigrant Russians, which provoked mass strikes and protests by Russian workers. The Soviet authorities presented the events as an "inter-ethnic conflict” in which order needed to be restored.

Some people hoped the Soviet authorities would react to these rising tensions by announcing constructive reforms to address some of the Baltic people's demands. Others feared a violent clampdown. East Germany and Romania offered military assistance to the Soviet Union in case it decided to use force.

The Popular Front of Latvia was established in 1988, and a year later, it had 200,000 active members, with even more passive supporters. In the spring of 1989, they started campaigning for complete independence. However, the Front had members with broad views, from ‘good communists’ to radical dissidents. Some wanted to condemn the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and some wanted to commemorate it. There was competition and jealousy among the members. This almost scuppered the Baltic Way. However, an international Baltic Council was set up in the summer of 1989. They held regular meetings across the three republics and avoided holding these inside the countries' capitals so that the communists and the KGB would have trouble tracing them. 

The first time the idea of a human chain was floated was at a Baltic Council meeting in Parnu, Estonia, on 15 July 1989, but the final joint decisions were taken a month later, on 12 August, near Cēsis in Latvia. The Baltic Council meeting took place at Lenči, Raiskums parish, near a mill pond. It was very secluded, and Cēsis Popular Front members took delegates through back roads to prevent anyone from trailing them. In his memoirs, Dainis Īvāns - a journalist and founder of the Popular Front -  concluded that if he had to, he would likely not be able to find the place again!

The most significant worry about the idea was whether enough people would link the chain between the three countries. One human being could cover about 1.5 meters with open arms. Therefore, the way from Vilnius, through Rīga and Tallinn, would need at least 400,000 people to cover the 600 km distance. That is more than 100,000 from each country. Then, the organisers made a bold decision that made the route some 100 kilometres longer. Onwards from Rīga, the chain would continue through the middle of Latvia, through Cēsis to Rūjiena and then across the Estonian border to Viljandi and up to Tallinn, instead of along the main highway to Tallinn, which is the shortest route. 

The Latvian link became the longest, requiring at least 180,000 people. However, the route change was reasonable, as the Tallinn highway ran along the coast (as it still does), and moving the route inland would allow greater access for people in Latvia. 

The organisers had five weeks to prepare, a steep task before social media! The Baltic Way was organised by landline telephone within the web-like structure of the Popular Front movements across the Baltics. Altogether, about ten prominent people coordinated the route and liaised with the authorities and local police, informing the news media and arranging visas and accreditation for foreign journalists. At the local level, Popular Fronts coordinated the event, with one person, an overseeer, in charge of each kilometre of the route and one person in charge of every 100 metres. Information about the route was published in local newspapers. The goal was to achieve an uninterrupted chain with an even distribution of people between 7.00 pm - 7.15 pm on 23 August 1989.

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On the day

Picture this. On a summer evening 35 years ago, two million people joined hands to form an unbroken human chain stretching 690 kilometers across three Soviet-occupied Baltic countries. This remarkable demonstration is one of history’s most powerful examples of peaceful protest. What happened that day transformed the Baltic region and sent ripples across the entire Soviet bloc, contributing to the dramatic changes that would reshape Europe. It was a day that changed Europe.

23 August 1989, marked the 50th anniversary of the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. This secret agreement had divided Eastern Europe into spheres of influence, leading to the Soviet occupation of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. For the Baltic people, this date represented decades of suppression, deportations, and denial of their national identities. But on this anniversary, they transformed a day of historical tragedy into a powerful statement of unity and resistance.

The demonstration was meticulously planned to begin at precisely 7.00 pm. As the appointed hour approached, people from all walks of life gathered along the designated route connecting the three Baltic capitals: Tallinn in Estonia, Riga in Latvia, and Vilnius in Lithuania. Some arrived in organised buses, while others made their own way to designated spots along the route. In some areas, particularly cities, the chain was several people deep, while organisers worked to ensure that even the rural stretches between population centers were filled.

Approximately one in four residents participated in this extraordinary event throughout the Baltic states. According to Reuters, the human chain comprised roughly 700,000 Estonians, 500,000 Latvians, and one million Lithuanians. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the Soviet news agency TASS reported lower numbers — 300,000 Estonians and 500,000 Lithuanians — and notably failed to provide any figures for Latvia!

The Baltic Way was more than just a political statement; it was a deeply personal experience for millions. Each participant has their own story of that historic day. Kai Lobjakas, who was just 14 years old then, recalled waiting with a friend on the stairs of her grandmother’s old timber building in Viljandi, Estonia. She remembers the small details vividly – wearing “light-blue patterned pants sewn by my mother from a fabric she had received from my great aunt.” Despite the monumental nature of the event, there was a sense of normalcy for the teenagers who had grown accustomed to political gatherings during what became known as the “Singing Revolution”.

For Linas Jegelevicius, the day began with determination to experience the Baltic Way on his terms. He rushed to his local bus station in Lithuania to catch transportation to Vilnius, the epicenter of the events, only to find the bus “terribly crammed” with others who had the same idea. Like many participants, he was driven by a newfound sense of national consciousness and a desire to be part of something historic.

One of the most unique perspectives comes from Frank Drauschke, a 19-year-old East German who happened to be in Latvia during the demonstration. It was truly transformative for him: “It was the first free demonstration ever,” he recalled. Drauschke positioned himself in the center of Riga, behind the Freedom Monument, where he joined the human chain. “This spirit of freedom – being there together for something in a peaceful way – that was simply overwhelming,” he reminisced. The experience deeply affected him, strengthening his belief that ordinary people could indeed change history.

As 7.00 pm arrived, the moment that had been anticipated for weeks finally came. People reached out and joined hands with strangers who instantly became compatriots in a common cause. The entire human chain, stretching from Toompea Castle in Tallinn, through Riga, to Gediminas Tower in Vilnius, held firm in its entirety for approximately 15 minutes. While this might seem brief, it was sufficient to send a powerful message to Moscow and the wider world.

The visual impact was stunning. Cities and towns across the three countries were suddenly adorned with national flags that had been completely banned just six months earlier. These flags – the blue, black, and white of Estonia; the maroon and white of Latvia; and the yellow, green, and red of Lithuania – had been symbols of independent nationhood before Soviet occupation and now reappeared as powerful statements of national identity.

The chain itself was remarkably diverse. Multiple generations stood side by side – grandparents who remembered independence before Soviet occupation, middle-aged people who had known nothing but Soviet rule, and young people experiencing their first taste of national awakening. In many cases, entire families participated together, creating a living link between the past and hopes for the future.

Dainis Īvāns, a leading figure in the Singing Revolution who we mentioned earlier, addressed people on 23 August 1989, saying, “All injustice and oppression is bound to come to an end. The spirit of freedom beats any kind of slavery. Sooner or later, the truth brings all lies to light. Let's hold one another's hands even more firmly and let our eyes meet. It's clear that togetherness, by now felt even physically, is to carry the day."

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What happened next?

The Baltic Way had a profound, immediate impact. International media covered the event extensively, bringing global attention to the Baltic cause at a crucial moment in Cold War history. The demonstration achieved one of its key goals when the Soviet Union was finally forced to acknowledge the existence of the secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and declare them invalid. This was a significant diplomatic victory for the Baltic independence movements.

The Soviet leadership’s first reaction to the Baltic Way was one of alarm and harsh condemnation. On 26 August 1989, just three days after the demonstration, the Central Committee of the Communist Party issued a stern warning that was read during the opening 19 minutes of Vremya, the main evening news program on Soviet television. The statement used distinctly threatening language: “Matters have gone far. There is a serious threat to the fate of the Baltic peoples. People should know the abyss into which they are being pushed by their nationalistic leaders. Should they achieve their goals, the possible consequences could be catastrophic to these nations. A question could arise as to their very existence”.

This pronouncement explicitly characterised the Baltic Way as “nationalist hysteria” and claimed there were growing “nationalist, extremist groups” which advanced “anti-socialist and anti-Soviet” agendas. The Soviet authorities alleged that these groups discriminated against ethnic minorities and terrorised those still loyal to Soviet ideals, criticising local authorities for their failure to stop these activists. The message carried ominous undertones that many interpreted as a threat of potential military intervention.

The statement’s timing and prominent placement in Soviet media demonstrated how seriously Moscow viewed the Baltic challenge. For many Baltic residents, this hostile rhetoric evoked painful memories of Soviet military interventions in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. The statement sent shockwaves through all three Baltic states, as people wondered whether peaceful demonstrations would be met with tanks and troops.

Despite its threatening tone, the Soviet leadership’s statement contained mixed messages. While indirectly threatening the use of force, it also suggested that the conflict could be resolved diplomatically. This ambiguity was interpreted as evidence that the Central Committee had not yet decided which approach to take and was keeping both options open.

The statement called upon “workers and peasants” to “save the situation and defend Soviet ideals,” indicating that Moscow still believed it had significant support among segments of the Baltic populations. The sharp criticism directed at Baltic Communist Parties suggested that the Soviet leadership might attempt to replace local party leaders with more loyal figures.

Behind this rhetorical response lay a fundamental challenge for Soviet authorities. For decades, the Soviet narrative had maintained that the Baltic States had voluntarily joined the Soviet Union and that independence movements represented only a small group of extremists and nationalists. The Baltic Way dramatically contradicted this narrative with its massive turnout of approximately two million participants. As one observer noted, “with this chain across all three countries, it was clear that that narrative that Moscow was trying to convince the world of and Soviet citizens was simply not true. This reflected the desire of the vast majority of the people”.

The Baltic Way had successfully drawn international attention to the independence movements, creating diplomatic complications for Moscow. Faced with potential Soviet aggression, Baltic activists quickly secured international support. On 31 August 1989, they issued a joint declaration to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, claiming to be under threat of aggression and requesting an international commission to monitor the situation.

This appeal found receptive ears in Western capitals. The U.S. President George H.W. Bush and West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl urged the Soviet Union to show restraint and pursue peaceful reforms. This international pressure complicated Moscow’s response options, as a military crackdown would have serious diplomatic consequences when Mikhail Gorbachev sought to improve relations with the West through his policies of glasnost and perestroika.

Almost immediately after broadcasting its threatening statement, Moscow’s tone began to soften significantly, and Soviet authorities failed to follow through on any of their threats. According to historian Alfred Erich Senn, the harsh pronouncement quickly became a source of embarrassment for Soviet leadership. Faced with international criticism after four years of promoting perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness), the Soviet authorities eventually toned down their rhetoric entirely.

More significantly, the Baltic Way demonstration and the international attention it generated forced the Soviet Union to make a crucial concession regarding the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. On 24 December 1989, the Congress of People’s Deputies of the Soviet Union finally acknowledged the existence of the secret protocols to the pact. It declared them null and void, without legal basis. This represented a significant victory for the Baltic independence movements, as the Soviet Union had denied the existence of these protocols for decades, despite their having been used as evidence during the Nuremberg Trials and published worldwide by Western scholars.

Acknowledging the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact’s secret protocols was particularly significant because it undermined the Soviet claim that the Baltic states had voluntarily joined the Soviet Union. For Baltic independence activists, this admission provided legal justification for their argument that the Soviet occupation had been illegal from the beginning and that their countries had never legitimately been part of the Soviet Union.

It is worth noting that despite the harsh rhetoric that followed the Baltic Way, the Soviet authorities showed remarkable restraint during the actual demonstration. According to sources, the protest was “largely peaceful, with little interference from local or Soviet authorities”. This hands-off approach during the event itself may have reflected uncertainty within the Soviet leadership about how to respond to such a massive yet peaceful demonstration.

In some cases, local institutions still under Communist Party control even played constructive roles in the event. For example, Lithuanian Radio helped coordinate the demonstration, and local police, aviation, and medical authorities assisted. This cooperation from local authorities, even those nominally loyal to Moscow, illustrated the growing divide between central Soviet control and local governance in the Baltic states.

The Soviet response to the Baltic Way marked a significant turning point in Moscow's relationship with the Baltic states. The harsh rhetoric, followed by diplomatic retreat, demonstrated the Soviet leadership’s diminishing ability to control events in its western republics. Within six months of the protest, Lithuania became the first Soviet republic to declare independence in March 1990, with Estonia and Latvia following shortly thereafter.

The Soviet Union would make further attempts to maintain control with economic blockades and a violent crackdown by Soviet special forces in Vilnius that resulted in 14 civilian deaths and in Riga resulting in four deaths in January 1991. However, the momentum toward independence had become irreversible. By September 1991, just two years after the Baltic Way, all three Baltic states had regained their freedom and independence, which the collapsing Soviet Union was forced to recognise.

The significance of the Baltic Way extended beyond the region. Frank Drauschke, the young East German witness, carried what he experienced back to his homeland. The Baltic demonstration took place just months before the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989. The spirit of peaceful resistance demonstrated in the Baltics contributed to the broader wave of change sweeping through Eastern Europe.

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Today, the Baltic Way is recognised as a pivotal moment in European history. In 2009, UNESCO included documents relating to the Baltic Way in its Memory of the World Register, acknowledging its historical significance. 23 August is now observed as Black Ribbon Day or the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

The demonstration has inspired similar protests elsewhere. Thirty years later, during the 2019 pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, demonstrators explicitly cited the Baltic Way as inspiration for their own human chains. This speaks to the enduring power of this form of peaceful protest.

The Baltic Way remains a testament to what ordinary people can achieve through unity, determination, and non-violent resistance. It demonstrated that even the most powerful regimes can be vulnerable to the moral force of peaceful mass action. For the people of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, it stands as a defining moment in their journey back to independence – a day when two million individuals joined hands to form not just a physical chain but a powerful bond of shared hope and resolve that ultimately changed the course of history.

As one participant reflected years later: “The Baltic Way was a unique event and for me personally, a very emotional experience. It gave us enormous confidence. I think that those who participated will never forget that day”. Indeed, the memory of that human chain stretching across three nations continues to inspire and remind us of the extraordinary power of ordinary people standing together for freedom.

Dainis Īvāns again: "Days and years will pass, and many a thing will disappear and be forgotten. But this moment will remain. The Baltic Way will remain, and our live chain will be a beginning, a flash of light. Let's recall it every day, let's recall it always when we think ourselves alone and infirm. Let's remember it when we'll really need compassion, so that we can understand one another and help one another."

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We have been talking about recent history. How can you experience anything connected to the Baltic Way? You could visit the Occupation Museum in Riga. It has a really interesting collection of exhibits covering the Russian occupation of Latvia. Its ‘touch and feel’ style suits younger people, together with information boards and images for teenagers and adults. Yes, how the museum tells the story does verge on propaganda. Don’t expect two sides to the story at this museum; it is fiercely nationalistic! It has a section devoted to the Baltic Way. A visit to the Occupation Museum is an hour or so well spent. 

There is one further thing you can do. Find the memorial stones of camera operators Andris Slapins and Gvido Zvaigzne. They are by the bridge over the canal in Bastejkalns near the former Ministry of Interior at 6 Rainis Boulevard. They were killed by Russians while filming the events. The footage, should you ever see it, is one of the most disturbing pieces of film that I have ever seen. The film continues as the camera operators are shot dead. Pay your respects to these two brave filmmakers and the other five people killed by the Russians in Riga in January 1991.

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The Baltic Way was a significant and massive act of protest. A shining example of how people’s activism can change the course of history. It rapidly led to the three Baltic States regaining independence and the demise of the Soviet Union. It is also the reason why President Putin so hates the Baltic States. He has condemned the break-up of the Soviet bloc. His goal was to restore the territory of the former Soviet Union to what it is now, Russia. Countries in Eastern Europe, especially those that were in the Soviet Union, need to beware of Putin’s talk of ‘spheres of influence’. It is code for regaining the Soviet Union.

However, let us applaud the bravery of the people in the Baltic States who completed the unbroken human chain from Vilnius to Tallinn via Riga. The Baltic Way. In itself, it was a remarkable feat. Add the danger of doing so against the authorities. Strength in numbers, yes. Above all, I deeply respect the freedom that those people truly believed in. May they never lose it again.

[Image: Laimonis Stīpnieks, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons]